Showing posts with label Behind. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Behind. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

Behind Jisr al-Shughour

21 June 2011 Last updated at 13:41 GMT Government run facility to see Jisr al-Shughour - 14 June In the days after the alleged massacre of soldiers Jisr al-Shughour became a ghost town The Syrian government claims that armed outlaws carried out a "heinous massacre" in which 120 soldiers were killed at Jisr al-Shughour between 3 and 6 June. Opposition activists say it was one part of the army firing on another for refusing to kill protesters. The BBC's Gabriel Gatehouse has been investigating the now notorious incident at Jisr al-Shughour.

At the beginning of the month, the Syrian government said "armed gangs" had killed 120 of its soldiers in the town, which is near the Turkish border.

The opposition quickly came back with a rebuttal. The demonstrators didn't deny the soldiers had been killed. But they had been killed by the Syrian regime: shot, they claimed, for refusing to fire on unarmed protesters.

It is almost impossible to verify reports of the incident independently. But amid the claims and counter-claims, a thread is beginning to emerge.

On 3 June, after Friday prayers, protesters gathered in Jisr al-Shughour to demonstrate against the Syrian government. At least one man was killed. Activists say Baseel al-Masri was shot by government security forces.

'Funeral and snipers'

His killing appears to have triggered a series of events that left more than 100 Syrian soldiers dead and caused thousands of civilians to flee their homes across the border into Turkey.

Masri was buried the following day. Mohammed Fazo, an activist using a pseudonym, told the BBC around 15,000 people attended the funeral procession. He said he personally witnessed what happened next

Government facility to a mass grave near Jisr al-Shughour allegedly containing the corpses of eight soldiers - 26 June The Syrian government has been taking press and diplomats to alleged mass graves in the area

"During the funeral, snipers on the roof of the post office building fired at the protesters," he said.

This is apparently corroborated by another eyewitness, by the name of Abu Abdulla. "There was indiscriminate shooting at the protesters," he told the BBC by phone.

"No-one can appreciate how bad it was unless they were there. The shooting was so intensive as if they were firing at a herd of sheep. Actually, they might have had more mercy on the sheep."

So what had started as a funeral quickly turned into another demonstration, which centred on the post office in the town's central square. The witnesses said angry protesters surrounded the building, chanting anti-regime slogans.

There, the demonstrators came under fire again, this time from inside the Post Office building.

'Indiscriminate killing'

So far, most accounts agree. But what happened next is disputed. The government says armed gangs stormed public buildings in the town, killing soldiers, civilians and security forces indiscriminately.

But other eyewitnesses say that the security forces, trapped inside their building and surrounded by an angry mob, called in support from the regular army.

Refugees from Jisr al-Shughour in Turkey Thousands of refugees fled Jisr al-Shughour for neighbouring Turkey

Mohammed Fazo says that when the soldiers arrived, many refused to open fire when they realised the protesters were unarmed.

"When the army did not fire at us, the security services fired at the army personnel who refused to shoot at us. And then the army responded by firing at the security personnel who were firing on their own colleagues and shot them dead."

No-one we spoke to could tell us exactly how the standoff had ended. But by Monday, most agreed, the State Security forces had been comprehensively routed and Jisr al-Shughour had become a ghost town.

'Hero' emerges

Out of the fog and confusion of the differing accounts, one man emerged as a hero for the protesters.

A number of days after the battle in Jisr al-Shughour, a video was posted on YouTube. It shows a slim, middle-aged man in military fatigues. His name, he says, is Lt Col Hussein Harmoush. Staring directly into the camera, he reads from what is clearly a prepared statement.

Lt Col Hussein Harmoush - 14 June 2011 Col Harmoush's desertion has become part of the mystery surrounding events at Jisr al-Shughour

"I declare my split from the army," he says, as he holds up what appears to be a military ID card for inspection.

A reporter for Time Magazine tracked the colonel down in a village near the Turkish border. According to the article, Lt Col Harmoush said he and his men had been sent to Jisr al-Shughour to restore order.

When the army began shelling the town, he said, he decided to defect. He claimed to have taken 30 of his men with him.

But when the BBC finally tracked the colonel down on the phone, he told a story that was rather different from the myth that was already writing itself into the history books

His defection, he said, had actually taken place four days after the killings in Jisr al-Shughour, on 9 June. Furthermore, he said he had defected on his own, and only joined up with a number of other defectors in the town later.

"I was not there at that time. I arrived there on 9 June, and when I arrived, there was absolutely no Syrian army there.

Furthermore, he said, none of the other defectors he joined had been present at the time of the alleged massacre.

He admitted he had invented much of his initial story purely to keep the Syrian army at bay.

But, if it wasn't Col Harmoush who led the fight against the security forces in the post office that crucial weekend, then who was it?

History of rebellion

Jisr al-Shughour has a history of rebellion. In 1980, a proportion of the town's citizens rose up against president Hafez al-Assad, the current president's father.

They paid a heavy price. Troops were sent in, sweeping through the town, seeking out and killing those they thought were responsible.

The Syrian government's position is that their soldiers are going into towns and villages throughout the country to protect the local population and at their request.

The protesters for their part are adamant that they are all unarmed, and their demonstrations are peaceful. So the idea that armed civilians could be attacking Syrian security forces is something neither side wishes to contemplate, in public at least.

But one protest leader we spoke to did admit that, in the case of Jisr al-Shughour, the local population may have had not only the motive but also the means to take up arms.

"We know that in bordering cities, there are weapons," said Amer al- Sadeq, an activist speaking from Damascus.

"If I have a pistol by my side and somebody is trying to come into my house to kill me, rape my daughters and kidnap them, I will never, ever hesitate to use that weapon to defend my house and to defend my household. So I believe in that context, these events have happened in terms of self-defence."

Whatever the truth of what happen in Jisr al-Shughour on the weekend of 3 to 6 June, it was a direct and powerful challenge to the regime's grip on power.

Together with many of his fellow deserters, Col Harmoush has now fled to Turkey. He says he and his men have neither the firepower nor the will to challenge the government militarily.

The BBC tried repeatedly to speak to a representative of the Syrian military, who could give their account of the events that took place there, but no-one was available to speak.

What does seem clear is that with every fresh crackdown, the Syrian regime is pushing ever greater numbers of its own citizens towards rebellion.


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Thursday, May 19, 2011

Behind the clashes

15 May 2011 Last updated at 19:07 GMT By Jim Muir BBC News, Beirut Palestinian after taking part in Golan Heights protest Protesters from Syria were not prevented from taking part in the Golan Heights action The "Nakba" day incidents on Israel's borders showed that the Palestinians have undoubtedly been caught up at last in the Arab revolutionary spring fever.

In a very different position from most Arab nations, the Palestinians had so far been largely left out as the spirit of assertive demands for rights and freedoms swept the region and threatened its dictators.

The pent-up frustrations of the Palestinians largely took the form of pressure on their own divided leaderships to unite, something that has now happened.

The 15 May challenges to Israel on its borders with Lebanon and Syria, within the fragmented West Bank and on the Gaza frontier, undoubtedly embodied the same kind of risk-taking, confrontational people-power ethos that has fired the revolts in many parts of the Arab world.

Palestinian militancy and desire for self-assertion in keeping with revolutionary Arab times are very strong and can be taken as a given. But the ability to express those sentiments is something else.

'Common denominators'

There is clearly another dimension to the unprecedented eruptions on Israel's borders with Lebanon and Syria, in which a number of protesters are reported to have been shot dead and many others wounded.

Continue reading the main story
If Hezbollah had not wanted the display of Palestinian refugee militancy at Maroun al-Ras on the south Lebanon border with Israel to happen, it would not have happened”

End Quote The common denominators in both cases are Syria and its ally Iran.

In past years, Syria has prevented Palestinian protesters from getting anywhere near the sensitive Golan border, where Damascus has in the past scrupulously respected its truce agreement with Israel.

Nearly half a million registered Palestinian refugees live in Syria, some of them in camps not far from the Golan.

Syria may be distracted and preoccupied by events inside the country, but so much that it could not have prevented the Golan incident if it had wanted it not to happen?

The real power in southern Lebanon is Hezbollah, the militant Shia movement that was created in the early 1980s by Iran and Syria to counter Israel's invasion of Lebanon.

If Hezbollah had not wanted the display of Palestinian refugee militancy at Maroun al-Ras on the south Lebanon border with Israel to happen, it would not have happened.

Damascus and Tehran retain extremely strong ties with Hezbollah, so by extension, the same is true of them.

Israeli soldiers on the Golan Heights, 15 May 2011 It is not clear whether the day's border clashes could turn into an ongoing crisis

Lebanon, like Syria, also has getting on for half a million Palestinian refugees on its soil.

But Jordan has something like two million, yet its borders with Israel, running along the Jordan river, did not see any such incidents because Amman did not want it to happen.

Jordanian police intervened to prevent a mere 200 Palestinian students from marching towards the border, and six of them were injured when they were restrained.

The unusual flare-ups on the Golan and on the Lebanese border came as President Bashar al-Assad's regime moved into its third month of confronting its biggest internal challenge in more than 40 years of rule by his family and the Baath Party.

It would be hard not to see a link between the two developments.

To allow a controlled burst of tension on the borders with Israel might have been seen by the Syrian regime as serving several useful purposes: to divert attention from its internal troubles, and to burnish its nationalist credentials of steadfast resistance to Israel.

It may also have been aimed at conveying to Israel and the Americans the message that if Mr Assad's grip on power should slip, Israel might face a much more militant Syria.

In a recent New York Times interview, the president's controversial businessman cousin, Rami Makhlouf, said that if Syria had no security, Israel would have no security - remarks from which the regime has officially distanced itself, but which came from a key figure within the inner circle of power.

'Playing with fire'

One question Israel will be asking itself is whether the outbursts on the borders might be sustained and turn into a running situation.

Continue reading the main story
Whatever the degree of possible manipulation by Syria and its allies, the message from Palestinians both inside and outside is that the Arab revolution has found another home”

End Quote That is not impossible. But Damascus and its allies in Lebanon know that they are playing with fire.

Syria would be unlikely to permit a situation on the Golan that could get out of hand and lead to a serious engagement with the Israelis that could be deeply damaging, and might even hasten a decision by Washington to move towards a call for regime change.

A warning skirmish is one thing, a serious confrontation something else.

In Lebanon, while anything is possible, Hezbollah is also unlikely to want an open-ended situation in which Palestinians play a leading role.

The Palestinian presence triggered the Israeli invasion in 1982 and other interventions which greatly hurt Hezbollah's Shia community.

The Palestinians in Lebanon played no part in Hezbollah's 2006 war with Israel.

But clearly, these are uncharted waters.

For the first time ever, Lebanon had the extraordinary experience of having people shot dead on its northern border by Syrian security forces because of the upheavals inside Syria, and a larger number shot dead on its southern border because of the Palestinian issue.

Whatever the degree of possible manipulation by Syria and its allies, the message from Palestinians both inside and outside is that the Arab revolution has found another home.


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